Paths of Worry

© John Stuart Clark
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Recent and rare research into the public's
attitudes to cycling has confirmed what campaigners, planners and
commentators have long suspected. The main deterrent against greater
bicycle usage in the UK is the "fear of danger from motor vehicles."
Although those interviewed jumbled up their
concerns about being injured with observations about noise, fumes
and the stress of busy traffic, the general message is unequivocal.
Citizens perceive the blacktop as a dread zone. Understandably,
they are steering well clear of it unless, of course, they are sealed
in their cozy impregnable cars, contributing to the nightmare. It
is logical, therefore, to presume that providing a safe or separate
travel environment for cyclists will entice more people to leap
on their bikes and pedal into work.
In the late Eighties, the DoT (now DETR)
caved in to pressure from the cycling lobby and 50% funded the building
of five experimental urban cycle networks. Greater Nottingham's
was the largest. Though far from a "network", planners
came from near and far to check out progress on a handful of impressive
lengths. Some cycled (on bikes provided by Raleigh and supported
by the Cycle Co-op's mobile breakdown service). Most went by coach
and strolled sections.
So began the slow painful process of enlightening
local authorities in the wisdom of investing in a cycling infrastructure.
It has been a long hard struggle against motor-myopic civil servants
and politicians who have been dancing to the deafening tune of the
auto industry since the late 1960's, but progress has been made.
The evidence is there to be inspected in towns, cities and rural
blackspots across the land.
It is difficult to generalise about a statutory
initiative that is amorphous and at different stages in its development,
authority to authority, but you can count the number of urban centres
in the UK with a comprehensive cycleway system on the fingers of
one mitten. In that respect, the phenomena that is Milton Keynes
is far from a joke. The City of York, where an exceptional 20% of
utility trips are made by bicycle, is the example many authorities
aspire to.
While advanced stop lines and priority lanes
have been painted on most radial roads, "Britain's Best Cycling
City" is still far from accessible by bicycle. Some parts of
the suburbs are well served by meandering cycleways or on-road lanes
but, within its ancient walls, pedestrianisation of the old city
prevents any cross-town cycling during the day, and there are no
safety provisions for crossing the three bridges linking north and
south, two of which carry the inner ring road.
The system is largely a product of planners
identifying where there is space to carve out a cycle route, rather
than identifying where cyclists wish to ride between, then carving
out space to accommodate them. York's high percentage of bicycle
use is less to do with cycling provision, more a result of flat
terrain and the cautious behaviour of drivers familiar with cyclists.
The verdict of local folk seems to be that pedestrianisation threw
out the baby with the bath water. Otherwise, "Close but not
the big cigar."
Design by default is the story behind the
cycling infrastructure set down by urban authorities across the
country. In this respect, the Cycle Audits demanded by last year's
National Cycling Strategy are an important undertaking. The object
is for every authority to review the cycle-friendliness of all infrastructure
proposals and to re-evalue present cycling provision. Guidelines
for the modus operandi of the audits are currently being devised
by private consultants, David Davies Associates, and the large majority
of local authorities have expressed enthusiasm for the initiative.
Central government do not keep track of resources
targeted for cycling, so the sum total of public money that has
trickled through to local authorities is difficult to assess. It
is estimated, however, that in 1996 cycling saw about £4 M of the
total £80 M allocated to transport packages. This compares poorly
with the £42.5 M awarded three years ago to the civil engineering
charity, Sustrans, from the National Lottery's Millennium Fund.
Ring-fenced to finance 2,500 miles of their proposed 6,500 mile
National Cycle Network (NCN), the Millennium Project is steaming
ahead of schedule and currently boasts 1,430 miles of the Network
open to cyclists.
Since their inception in the late Seventies
as a guerrilla action group against official indifference to West
Country cyclists, Sustrans has grown into a vast organisation employing
over 80 full-time staff with a network of ten regional offices.
Their list of patrons is splattered with Sirs, Rt Hons, and individuals
like Dervla Murphy and Chris Boardman whose contributions to the
cycling world are legion. Director John Grimshaw keeps a firm grip
of the reins, is a man of vision, and has a hot line straight to
the heart of the Glenda Jackson MP.
In his own words, "The Network is a
key part of any strategy to encourage cycling in the UK. Its purpose
is to create high quality routes which will enable those who currently
don't cycle to start doing so. It will create safe routes to schools
and, by passing through the centre of each urban centre along its
course, will create two high quality routes to many towns and cities
in Britain, forming an integral part of the local authority cycling
programme there."
Although they run work camps, Sustrans builds
few cycleways itself. They are essentially a service to local authorities,
scouring European and UK environmental, leisure and tourism sources
for funding, providing engineering guidelines, producing surveys
and feasibility studies, and rattling off all the PR glossies and
press releases it takes to keep the NCN in the public eye. What
appears on the ground is a collaboration, 20% funded by Sustrans,
the rest by local authorities, and built by private contractors.
42% of the NCN is projected to run on all-purpose
roads. In some parts of the country routes will overlap with the
National Byway, a projected 3,000 mile leisure circuit (and loops
within the circuit) around England and the Scottish Lowlands. Sponsored
to the tune of £1/2 M by Rank Hovis, it comes trailing endorsements
from all the right politicians, and is professionally packaged by
PR consultants Walker Williams. According to Account Executive,
Debbie Harvey, the initiative is "principally concerned with
opening up Britain's countryside."
For anybody who thought that the countryside
was closed to them, this is essentially a signposting exercise,
ostensibly routing tourists on quiet country roads linking heritage
sites, mapped by AA Publishing. There is no intention to do any
engineering along these routes to make them safer or improve surfaces,
and the rumour that they will be lobbying for a 20 mph speed limit
was not a plank of the Byway's prospectus Debbie Harvey was aware
of.
From Hovis' point of view, the National Byway
ensures thousands of road junctions will sprout cycle route signs
adorned with an ocre corn logo set against a rustic brown background.
The first ones were put in place, in February, in Hampshire. It
also ensures that the public will be party to a tasteful brochure
and quarterly newsletter extolling the credentials of Hovis ("Backing
cycling since 1899" apparently), dripping with the corporate
colours, and featuring yummy pictures of parts of the country that
will entice foreign cycle tourists possibly more than British bikers.
The fourth and final front in the march to
provide segregated and/or safe routes for cyclists is a recent initiative
between British Waterways and the Cyclists' Touring Club (now the
ctc). Canal towpaths have always been a convenient and enjoyable
thoroughfare for cyclists, often illegally so. For 30 years, British
Waterways have operated a free licensing system (primarily because
towpaths are not ROWs, but also to monitor numbers) and provided
a National Information Pack identifying towpaths suitable for cyclists.
Last year they slapped a £12.50 toll on riding
the Kennet & Avon canal and the ctc went ballistic. A short-term
experiment policed by Rangers on bikes, it is intended to provide
information about the practicality of operating tolls. As John Davis
of British Waterways is at pains to point out, their preferred option
is "towpaths free at the point of use'" but they need
the research to argue the case that tolls don't work.
They badly need cash however. The new concordant
with the ctc is based on the agreement that the towpaths of Great
Britain offer walkers and cyclists a valuable network of traffic-free
routes, or would do if resources were allocated for their development
and maintenance. At present towpaths receive no ear-marked funding
and their condition tends to reflect the state of the canal beside
them.
The "Statement of Joint Commitment"
calls for an assessment of the network, the establishment of technical
and safety standards, and the promotion of canalside cycling by
planning authorities incorporating towpath routes within their local
and regional transport plans. Selected lengths are already integral
elements of local authority and Sustrans routes, but this proposal
calls for a major overhaul, pointing out that 47% of the population
lives within 8 kms of a canal or river bank.
Although research is on-going, the proposal
is essentially a submission to the DETR, one of many under consideration
pending the announcement of Labour's integrated transport strategy.
Richard Lee of Angling Times foresees "no need for conflict.
Provided the towpath is properly managed and is wide enough, there
should be no more than the usually petty friction between anglers
with long carbon fibre poles (extending behind them) and impatient
cyclists." Would that all segregated cycling initiatives were
so free of opposition from their natural detractors.
On the surface these four initiatives deserve
to be applauded and cyclists are right to be grateful. If nothing
else, they are an important contribution to the growth of a UK cycling
culture. For some time, however, hushed tones have been expressing
concern. Perverse as it may seem, the main detractors of the blossoming
infrastructure for cyclists are cyclists, both on the ground and
in the "trade."
There are nut and bolt problems, like design
failings. The difficulty with creating travel corridors exclusively
for minorities is designing border crossings that enable all the
desirable minorities to get in, while keeping all the undesirables
(minorities or otherwise) out. This is the old chestnut of cycleway
access barriers that effectively exclude motorbikes but also prohibit
wheelchairs, tandems, recumbents, trikes and trailer bikes. True,
these are a minority within a minority, but they are vociferous
and their numbers will swell as the number of cyclists swells.
Once in the exclusion zone, there is the
problem of continuity, particularly in urban areas. We can all point
to cycleways that lead riders to the back end of nowhere or appear
and disappear like a magician's rabbit. UK cycleways are a retrofit
and fighting for elbow space. Unlike on the Continent, where a core
of the network has long been established and cyclists often have
priority, our dedicated routes are continually severed by side roads,
entrance ways and pinch points where drivers have priority, if only
by their strength of purpose. The incessant stop-start cycling experience
forces many riders back onto the main drag, infuriating motorists
aware that cycle paths have been provided and ignored.
Out in the countryside, there are other
problems of continuity. Since they first opened the Coast-to-Coast,
Sustrans have been mapping and promoting cycle routes that are at
an "interim standard" or, in a word, incomplete. Three
years ago Judith Chalmers walked a few hundred meters of the C2C
for Wish You Were Here..., encouraging hundreds of thousands of
viewers to "have a go." The following year Holiday did
the same for the Carlisle-Glasgow length of the Network. Both routes
still have sections that are unsuitable for novice cyclists and,
in the most unexpected places, are positively dangerous.
With signposted routes on all-purpose roads,
there is the different problem of drivers exploiting the quiet highway
as somewhere peaceful for a Sunday pootle. Michael Breckon of the
National Byway thinks this is a misplaced fear based on the belief
that the AA will mark the Byway on their drivers' map, which they
wont. However, residents in the Chalke Valley, south of Salisbury,
maintain that the routing of the Wiltshire Cycleway through their
rural idyll has indeed attracted more traffic. They are delighted
to see more cyclists, but are now pressing for traffic calming.
The overall success of the cycleways initiative
has raised less mundane problems in unforeseen areas. Some of the
more popular leisure stretches have become enterprise zones, with
all the attendant problems of vested business interests. In high
summer, the Camel Trail between Padstow and Bodmin is packed bar-end
to bar-end with day trippers out for a spin on hire bikes. The 11
mile trail is serviced by no fewer than seven hire outlets licensed
by the local authority. In 1996 the £20 per bicycle flat fee licence
was put out to tender. As a result of new money placing an anonymous
bid clearly designed to squeeze small operators out of business,
it has now risen to £50.
This generates £30,000 annually for Cornwall
County Council, ostensibly for maintenance of the route. Last year
they spent just £3,000 on repairs during the six months of the off-season.
The Camel Trail is currently in desperate need of remedial work
and, understandably, bike hire companies are not happy. Aside from
questioning where the licence fee is disappearing to, there is the
point that while the fee is the same across the board, the business
rates paid by companies operating from shop premises is wildly different
to those paid by firms operating from warehouses and containers.
To our credit, what cycle campaigners predicted
would happen, has happened. The provision of routes for cyclists
has stimulated employment in ancillary industries, but the service
bike hire companies provide is now in question. To ride a length
of firm track where there are few or no hills, customers are plonked
on the latest MTB with almost no instruction in how to use the baffling
array of grip-shift gears or adjust a seat pillar. Where a three-speed
utility bicycle would liberate novices to concentrate on steering
a straight line and holding their balance, holiday makers frequently
find themselves grappling with ill-fitting, shin-grazing machines
that do nothing to promote the joys of cycling.
With the demise of Cycling Proficiency and
precious few adult cycling classes available around the country,
John Grimshaw is right in emphasising the need for safe learning
grounds for novices. But as John Franklin, author of the HMSO's
Cyclecraft, points out, "It is a grave mistake to think that
(rural off-road paths) are a stepping stone to safe cycling, for
they are much more likely to develop the kinds of habits that make
a cyclist more vulnerable." He notes that three riders were
killed last year on the cycle paths of Milton Keynes, but only one
on the roads.
Public awareness of the greater scheme of
things is another weak point. With over 360,000 people a year making
use of the Camel Trail alone, it must disturb Sustrans to learn
that the majority of cyclists enjoying segregated leisure routes
are oblivious of their developing Network. In a telling piece of
research recently conducted by RSL, interviewers positioned on key
cycle trails discovered that "there was relatively little awareness
of initiatives to promote cycling, such as National Bike Week and
the Millennium Commission's grant to the National Cycle Network."
For all the £267,000 they spent last year on designer magazines,
annual reports, maps and information sheets, Sustrans are failing
to get their vision of an alternative transport network across.
National Bike Week (NBW), the largest annual
PR exercise in the cyclist's calendar, was cash-strapped last year
after loosing the £100,000 sponsorship previously put up by Rank
Hovis. While failing to make much impact in the national media,
Hovis estimated that local TV, newspaper and radio coverage was
worth around £4 M when they sponsored the event. They were impressed
and, according to rumour, wanted the event renamed the "Hovis
Bike Week". NBW didn't, so they parted company in 1996. Rumour
also has it that the National Byway caught wind of the disagreement
and poached the Hovis money away from NBW.
In fact, sponsorship deals usually only last
for a couple of years. According to the ctc, having had three years
backing from Hovis, the company felt it was time to walk away from
what was evidently a very good deal. According to National Byway,
they simply fitted the wholesome Hovis brief and duly scooped up
the old NBW sponsorship, plus an extra £400,000 and backing for
ten years. Whatever the truth of the matter, the truth of the rumour
is that a lot of cycling promotion schemes are scrambling for pennies
from a relatively small pot.
Public money for promoting cycling is at
a cross roads. For the second year running, the Minor Works budget
that councils heavily drew upon has received no allocation, and
looks like disappearing. The amount allocated to the package system,
however, has increased, but much of that is already ear-marked for
road schemes on-going from the Tory regime. As these reach completion,
it is hoped more funds can be directed towards sustainable modes
like cycling and walking, but there is always the chance New Labour
will take the opportunity to simply slash that budget as well.
At a recent presentation of progress on the
East Midlands section of the NCN, regional representative Nicola
Jones forcefully refuted the suggestion that Sustrans were taking
local authority funding away from more pressing cyclist needs in
the City of Nottingham. Local Cycling Officer, Chris Randall, explains
that a sizable proportion of the estimated £950,000 for the Greater
Nottingham section will come from non-highways budgets and, hopefully,
corporate sponsorship. He agrees that the NCN route has shifted
the focus, but only to parts of the city that fit into the authority's
general cycleway objectives.
Cycle campaigners in Melton Mowbray and Plymouth
claim to have proof that their urban network is suffering because
limited cycle funding has been sucked into the Sustrans vortex.
Although a recent publication by the DETR, Sustrans and the Bicycle
Association identified over thirty public pots of gold that organisations
could dip into for cycling initiatives, there is little doubt that
the NCN is a magnet for a disproportionate amount of public money.
Sustrans are seen by almost all transport planners as the principal
force in cycling promotion - sussed, efficient, and a lot more capable
of delivering than they are. Sustrans are "enablers" par
excellence. Why look further?
Amongst the raft of organisations sponsoring
Sustrans is the Bicycle Association (BA), trade representatives
for the manufacturers and an organisation that perhaps ought to
look further. Last year they introduced a levy on new bicycle sales,
an excellent idea that could benefit a large number of small under-funded
schemes around the country promoting cycling. The £300,000 raised
so far through the levy is targeted specifically and exclusively
for Sustrans, however, but then that's why it was set up.
In 1996 the DoT released a one-off award
to 62 projects under the £1.8 M Cycle Challenge scheme. Unless you
include trip-end facilities, none were for infrastructure projects.
A year on, "Evaluating Cycle Challenge" by the Institute
of Urban Planning, Nottingham, reveals that this pump-priming money
produced an excellent return in project development and the stimulation
of ideas for furthering public awareness of cycling. But as Hugh
McClintock observes in his summary, "How much are such initiatives
likely to continue...unless more funding is available?" Given
their brief to promote the broad front of cycling and therefore
sales, maybe the Bicycle Association should be thinking twice about
putting all their projected £1 M levy returns into one organisation?
But undoubtably the most worrying aspect
of this concentration on building a cycling infrastructure is the
discovery that "strategies such as (the) provision of safe
cycle paths were not sufficient to induce a change in anticipated
behaviour." The behaviour in question is the British public's
mainline addiction to their cars, and the conclusion comes from
Attitudes to Cycling, a ground-breaking piece of research produced
last year by the Transport Research Laboratory. According to those
interviewed, no amount of cycle paths, ways, tracks or designated
routes will alone encourage them to leave the car in the garage
and pedal to the supermarket.
This cuts to the heart of the matter. Whatever
cycle campaigners might suggest, the object of the exercise and
of the National Cycling Strategy is not to increase bicycle use
per se. The object is to return our towns and cities to the people.
To remove or restrict the monster that has eaten up vast tracks
of the urban landscape to make room for itself, along the way destroying
communities and small businesses, polluting 24,000 people a year
into an early grave, and insulating the population from the human
habitat to such an extent that we are in danger of becoming a nation
of paranoiacs.
Without impacting on car dependency, our
planners are in danger of creating linear theme parks for bikes,
where drivers go to enjoy a little fresh air and exercise - a sort
of Centreparcs for pootlists - in the process exporting the horrors
of the city to the country. It is already happening in the Peak
National Park, where the popularity of the High Peak and Tissington
Trails (amongst other attractions) has lured a crippling volume
of motor traffic. More than once the Joint Planning Board has had
to seal off the Park to contain the flood.
Nobody questions that cycling is part of
the solution to recreating people-friendly cities. So too is walking.
While you would imagine we were natural allies, the harshest critics
of cycleways (outside of cyclists) are pedestrians. There is a good
argument that legal pavement cycling has encouraged illegal pavement
cycling, and the plethora of letters to the press complaining about
the menace. As Terence Bendixson of the Pedestrian Association explains,
"Bicycles are vehicles charged with dangerous kinetic energy.
Local authorities are mistaken in believing that, because walking
and cycling are green, they are good companions."
He makes the point that cycle lanes should
always be apportioned from all-purpose roads, "even though
lack of space means this may restrict motor traffic. Car drivers
are, as a result, forced to pay more attention to cyclists and reduce
speeds, thus increasing safety for cyclists." As Attitudes
to Cycling discovered, seeing cyclists and cycling provision on
the roads has more chance of encouraging motorist to reevaluate
their behaviour than removing us from our rightful travel zone and
tucking us out of sight.
Britain is well endowed with over half a
million miles of cycle routes, and that's just on all-purpose roads,
forget about public bridleways and tracks. It is imperative that
we move away from this obsession with exclusion zones and dedicated
routes. While the achievements to date are commendable, and the
work must continue, there is a real danger that the car culture
will continue to rule supreme unless we broaden the battle lines
to encompass other, equally important but severely neglected aspects
of cycling promotion.
Attitudes to Cycling points up a three pronged
assault on Britain's car dependent, one of which is providing a
cycling infrastructure. They warn that "failure in one area
will seriously undermine efforts in the others." In the course
of muscling through infrastructure improvements, measures to promote
organisational change and changes in our individual and social behaviour
have barely been addressed. The ctc are right to fear that cyclists
could become even more dispossessed, restricted to riding along
long, thin, probably very attractive ghettos.
This raises the final and possibly most important
question of public accountability. Local authorities are accountable
to us through the ballot box and a convoluted system of community
consultation procedures that have been weakened since the Conservative's
reorganisation of city and county halls, but is currently being
simplified by the Best Value approach of Labour. The National Byway
is a limited company accountable to their Board of Directors, which
include Hovis and the ctc. Sustrans is accountable to the Charity
Commissioners and the Millennium Commission, but only for related
parts of its brief.
In August last year, paid up supporters of
Sustrans topped the 30,000 mark. By the Millennium they aim to have
50,000, but these are not members and certainly not all cyclists.
There is no AGM where card carriers can voice their concerns and
influence policy. It is definitely an organisation led from the
top down and, while this undoubtably accounts for its immense success,
there is growing disquiet that they are vulnerable to the sort of
abuses that discredited WWF and Oxfam five years ago.
Is it time the government placed all those
who are eking out empires on the back of providing an infrastructure
for cyclists under the vigilant eye of an Oftbike? Or should the
National Cycling Strategy working groups be given teeth? Whatever
the answers are to all these concerns, it is an exciting time for
cycling in the UK, and you are an unwitting partisan in a quiet
revolution.
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